A Psycholinguistic View of Reading and Learning to Read Combines an Understanding of

Abstract

How children learn to read is a controversial affair. Since the educational activity of literacy has always been a major purpose of schooling, education and teaching methods accept generally framed inquiry and practice. Psychologists and linguists have played a major office in determining what we mean by "literacy learning". Although they disagree on whether children should outset with phonics and work toward significant or vice versa, both limit the chore to the cognitive and linguistic capabilities of the individual. In this commodity, I argue for an extension of this epitome, whereby sociocultural theories are given equal value with both psychological and linguistic perspectives. Using examples from ethnographic studies in London, I show how children larn circuitous texts by becoming members of communities they wish to join. Through playing, rehearsing, modelling, and practice, they learn the value of literacy alongside the cerebral and linguistic skills needed for learning to accept place.

"Learning to read" means different things to unlike people at different times and in unlike places. To many poorer children and their families in nineteenth-century United kingdom, it meant learning by heart the Bible or other religious texts at Dominicus school. The method of memorizing holy texts continues to this day, since such texts are ofttimes couched in an unfamiliar language or use difficult and formal vocabulary. For a Muslim child, learning to read the Holy Qur'an ways learning by center a text in an unknown language or dialect to produce a cute recitation. Hindu children will also "read" the aboriginal linguistic communication of Sanskrit in this way. In contrast, classroom teachers in the United Kingdom ofttimes focus on teaching phonics as a precursor to understanding the meaning of a text or relating information technology to children's lives. Both interpretations of reading are very different from what takes place during reading a novel for pleasure, texting friends, or reading semaphore or music. These are just a few of the myriad of ways that "learning to read" is understood today.

Amidst these, there are possibly two truisms: Intellectually, learning to read always involves the learning of symbolization—the interpreting of symbols of some sort; and pedagogically, how the teaching and learning of symbolization best happens awakens strong feelings and debate by teachers, parents, and politicians. Therefore, the question remains: How do children best brainstorm learning to read, and how might educators most effectively teach them? Here, I showtime examine existing psychological and linguistic perspectives informing curricula in U.k. schools. I then nowadays examples from longitudinal and ethnographic research in children's homes and communities, to argue for the inclusion of a tertiary perspective—one using sociocultural theories to explain how young children might set almost reading with confidence and success.

"Simple" versus "circuitous" methods: Psychological and linguistic perspectives

How do existing research studies explain how children learn to read and how teachers might teach them? These studies reveal no consensus of opinion. The relationship between reading, linguistic communication, and the mind has long been a question of debate. In his revolutionary book The Psychology and Pedagogy of Reading, published in New York in 1908, Edward Huey claims reading to exist "a highly complex task, which involves very many of the near intimate workings of the mind" (p. 6). Since then, educators and researchers have put forth contradictory ideas on exactly how these "workings of the mind" take identify and how complex or simple they are.

The traditional argue (sometimes referred to as "the great debate" past Chall in 1967, and explained fully by Adams [1995]) that took place throughout the twentieth century was between those holding "bottom-upwardly" and "height-downwardly" perspectives on how children learn to read. Such specialist jargon tin can be confusing, but information technology is important to empathise these and other key terms, every bit they reverberate contrasting theories that accept been influential in informing beginning-reading tuition throughout the twentieth and into the twenty-first century.

I perspective: Bottom-upward theory

At its simplest, studies from psychology (Rose 2006; Stuart and Coultheart 1988) underpin the lesser-upwardly or "simple" theory, as do claims that learning to read proceeds from the particular to the general: from the smallest unit of meaning (private sound, or phoneme) to the largest (knowledge of the world, or semantic knowledge; and knowledge of the construction of language, or syntactic knowledge). Those supporting the bottom-upwards theory of reading maintain that learning requires a reconstruction of the sound forms of a word on the basis of its graphic representation, whereby agreement arises as a effect of correct recreation of the sound class of words. In other words, decoding sounds and pronouncing words are seen every bit means to gaining understanding. Early on-reading tuition based entirely on the bottom-up theory stresses the demand to teach children first to match phonemes (sounds) to graphemes (symbols), which are gradually congenital up into words (lexis) and larger units of meaning. This is sometimes referred to simply as a "phonic approach" to starting time reading.

A second perspective: Top-down theory

The meridian-down theory is a reversal of the bottom-up view and emerges from linguistics (Goodman 1996; Smith 2012). It posits that understanding proceeds from the general to the item; from a knowledge of the language of the text, as well equally a general knowledge of the culture, to predicting and reading private words and letters. Those supporting the top-downward theory believe that the recognition of printed or written symbols serves only every bit stimuli for the retrieve of meanings built up through by experience and for the reconstruction of new meanings through the manipulation of concepts that the reader already grasps. Early-reading tuition influenced by this view emphasizes teaching beginner readers to use existing semantic and syntactic knowledge in social club to be able to select from alternatives and predict the written word. This is sometimes referred to simply equally a "top-down" arroyo.

In the xx-showtime century, educators more often than not admit that both decoding (bottom-up) and pregnant-making (top-down) are essential components in fluent reading. Researchers and teachers from both sides of the debate also agree that some systematic phonics preparation is benign for all children as they begin to acquire to read. Yet, they substantially disagree on the following: How much phonics preparation should exist given, at what historic period, and what type? How much training in meaning-making should be given, at what age, and what type? And crucially, should decoding and significant-making be divide upward and taught separately, or are they intrinsically interdependent in the process of learning to read?

Theories and consequent policies on showtime-reading instruction have been in constant flux from the last three decades of the twentieth century until the present day. During the 1970s, look-and-say (whole-give-and-take recognition) was the most common arroyo, followed in Britain in the 1980s past the apprenticeship approach (guided book reading alongside a more experienced reader). By the end of the twentieth century, official policy in Britain was to use an eclectic approach (a combination of whole texts with guided reading, phonics, and sight-give-and-take recognition) similar to the whole-linguistic communication approach in the United States. Withal, during the early years of the twenty-first century, official policies in both the United States and Britain take swung sharply in favour of the bottom-upwards advocates in the reading debate, some of whom claim that phonics preparation should exist taught "starting time and fast" (Miskin 2005, p. 20). First-reading policies in Great britain during the offset decade of the twenty-offset century are informed by the "simple view of reading", a model (described beneath) originally put forward by Gough and Turner, and taken upwards in the U.s.a. by the National Reading Console in 2000.

So how should early on decoding or word recognition be developed? The "simple view" proposes restricting reading instruction during initial stages entirely to the use of a synthetic-phonics program. Synthetic phonics starts with unmarried messages and the sounds they stand for (Lloyd 2003). Later on the teacher has taught a few letters and sounds (including one or two vowels), children await at elementary words containing those letters and attempt to produce a sound for each letter (no digraphs are used at first), then to alloy the sounds to make a word with normal word pronunciation. The teacher shows messages in all positions in words from the start. Mostly, the first messages will exist s, a, t, i, p, n and the first digraphs sh, thursday, ai, oa. The aim is for children to alloy an increasing number of words equally their discussion-to-audio correspondences increase—for example, at, dog, hen, spot, hill—and for this learning to take place rapidly so that children can work words out for themselves. In this way, advocates claim, the plan "empowers children" (Miskin 2005, p. xiv), since, if they decode effortlessly, all their energies can go into working out the content of the volume.

Accordingly, during these early on stages teachers should introduce children only to reading books containing sounds and digraphs they have already learned (i.e., only books belonging to the relevant published scheme) in social club not to confuse them or demotivate them if they see words they cannot decode. During the second stage of the programme, teachers introduce children to digraphs (two letters making one sound) and the children practise blending them into regular words using examples, such every bit, b-oa-t, sl-ee-p, and sh-ou-t. During a third phase, teachers present less-regular words, usually at the rate of two or 3 per week. If children pronounce a word inaccurately, their teacher asks them to wait for the irregular role; e.g., practice, where the o is an oo sound). The central strategy is that of blending sounds, gradually moving from the smallest audio to building upward to the word itself.

But those supporting this view are not the simply discussants in the debate; a second, and equally strong, group exists for whom phonics teaching is only one strategy amongst others (and synthetic phonics only one type of phonics didactics amid others), and for whom meaning and decoding are intrinsically linked. These researchers and practitioners are from a number of countries in the English language-speaking world. They share little in common apart from a deep-seated belief that there is no simple solution to learning to read, nor can at that place be a "universal method" (Adams 1995, p. 23). Later on a comprehensive review and analysis of both basic and applied enquiry on the topic, Marilyn Jager Adams (Center for the Study of Reading, University of Illinois–Urbana-Champaign) argues strongly in Starting time to Read (1995) that decoding (or phonics) and meaning (or context) are inextricably linked and should be taught simultaneously in beginning-reading programmes. Adams views phonemic awareness—by which she includes not only a knowledge of sound patterns but too phonological sensation and a knowledge of spelling (orthographic) patterns—is an essential base upon which to build and that significant is an inherent office of the reading process, too. She concludes: "[Children] must get aware of the structure of language, from sentences and words to phonemes. And, nearly of import, they must develop a bones understanding of the forms and functions of text and of its personal value to their own lives" (Adams 1995, p. 422).

A 3rd perspective: The personal value of reading

The third perspective on learning to read that I propose in this article relates to the "personal value" referred to by Adams, but understood differently. Specifically, I am referring to Adams' reference to interpreting reading from a sociocultural viewpoint (Street 1993, 1995). Appropriately, I fence that it is non the value of the text itself that needs to exist important to children, simply rather the value of reading as an essential part of belonging or becoming a member of a specific cultural practise. How else might nosotros explain how young children learn to read long or complex texts, whose phonics or actual meaning they are unable to unravel with relative ease? In this perspective, the value of reading for the child is put in the centre, not at the periphery. The focus of how learning takes place switches from the instructor'southward methods to the child's control over his or her learning. This perspective is grounded in Vygotskian theories that view mental processes as social in origin and mediated through interaction with individuals using cultural artefacts and practices that have evolved over fourth dimension (Daniels, Cole, and Wertsch 2007; Vygotsky 1978). By playing out important practices of their civilization, children go expert practitioners themselves (Gregory, Long, and Volk 2004). Viewed in this fashion, the personal value attached to reading by a child is intimately linked with the personal importance of membership in a cultural practice or grouping for a kid.

In his argument for the recognition of cultural psychology, Michael Cole refers to "mind as interiorized culture and civilisation as exteriorized mind" (1998, p. 292), and illustrates further the implications of what has become known as a "sociocultural approach" to viewing learning. Integral to this are the concepts of prolepsis and synergy. By prolepsis, I refer to the process whereby caregivers (often parents or grandparents) project into the child's hereafter past drawing upon their own experiences, thus promoting both cognition and continuity of understandings between generations. This might happen in everyday activities, but is particularly strong where languages or religion practices are involved. These are the areas where the older generation close to the kid clearly has expertise and acts equally a mediator of cultural practices. Other work using sociocultural theory recognizes prolepsis, but at the aforementioned time illustrates a synergy between generations, whereby the older members of a civilisation larn every bit from the younger either by the act of education or past acknowledging and learning from new cognition that might inform existing practices. Utilise of digital and internet learning are examples of this (Flewitt, Messer, and Kucirkova 2015; Gregory, Arju, Jessel, Kenner, and Ruby 2007; Kenner, Scarlet, Jessel, Gregory, and Arju 2007). Taking this perspective, questions for teachers to inquire will be: In which social and cultural practices does reading play an important and integral part for the child? Where practise these take identify, how often, and using what methods or interaction patterns? How can we analyze the nature of learning and item the literacy skills needed in lodge to participate? Who might mediate children's learning and how does this take identify? What might we equally educators learn from this cognition, for our classroom practice? Below, I explore three examples from recent ethnographic studies undertaken in children's homes and communities and talk over how a sociocultural perspective explains how early reading takes place. Finally, I testify how personal value is integral to the activities across all examples and its relationship to the cultural practices in which each activity is embedded.

I depict these examples from three ethnographic studies on immature children's learning: with siblings, with grandparents, and in their organized religion settings. (The Economical and Social Enquiry Council funded these 3 projects, from which I draw the data: Gregory (1999–2000); Kenner, Gregory, and Jessel (2003–2004); and Gregory, Jessel, Kenner, and Lytra (2009–2013). They are illustrative of similar studies described by other authors (for instance, Volk with Acosta 2004; Drury 2007; Pahl and Rowsell 2010; Marsh and Bishop 2012), where researchers conducted longitudinal work with families in their homes. The excerpts below show children whose parents or grandparents were born outside Britain and who are familiar with other languages at home. The participants themselves collected the data for excerpts 1 and 2; researchers gave children in the siblings project modest tape-recorders and the children taped themselves without the presence of adults; researchers well known to the participants filmed grandmothers and their grandchildren. The researcher for excerpt 3 (from the BeLiFS project, www.belifs.co.united kingdom of great britain and northern ireland) provided the data, using a prayer recited past children in both the organized religion and habitation settings.

Excerpts from the field

Play: Siblings and the value of schoolhouse learning

The first excerpt shows 11-year-old Wahida "playing school" with Sayeda, her 8-yr-old sister. The children live in East London and were born in U.k. of parents who came from People's republic of bangladesh. Similar a number of schools in the neighbourhood, theirs receives about all its pupils from Sylhet, a region in northeast Bangladesh. Both girls nourish community linguistic communication classes to learn Bengali literacy and Qur'anic classes to larn to read the Qur'an in classical Arabic. Notwithstanding, when playing school, they always use English. This excerpt comes near the middle of an hr-long tape made at home in which Wahida "teaches" her sister numeracy, spelling, science, and poesy, and listens to her read. Although living in an area where people have strong London accents, the girls' voices echo the standard English of their teachers.

Wahida	Sayeda
1: Well done! Only two wrong. Now we're going to practise homophones. Who knows what's a homophone is? No one? OK. I'll tell you ane and and so yous're going to do some by yourselves. Similar lookout man—ane watch is your time watch, like what's the fourth dimension, watch. And some other scout is I'm watching yous, I tin see y'all. OK? So, Sayeda, you wrote some in your volume, oasis't you lot? Can yous tell me some please. Sayeda, can you only give me 3 delight.
	two: Oh I take to requite 5.
3: No, Sayeda, we haven't got enough time. Nosotros've only some other v minutes to assembly. And judge who'due south going to do associates— Miss Kudija.
	4: OK.
five: OK? And so tell me one.
	half-dozen: Son is the opposite of girl …
seven: Yeah
	eight: and sun is … um … its shines on the sky and then bright.
9: Well done! That's one correct one.
The side by side one?
	10: The cell means you go … to jail …in prison … yous're going to prison house and another sell means the selling coin … they are giving coin.
11: The last 1 is ?
	12: Hear. Hear is you lot're hearing something… people are telling you something and here is come here, come up.
13: Well done! At present you can go to assembly. Sayeda, line upwardly in club. Otherwise you lot'll come back and do lines. And then remember your order. OK? Well done, Sayeda, y'all're in your correct order and Miss Kudija is going to take you downwards because I accept to do some more things.

Wahida proudly models herself on the teacher, a person in whose noesis she trusts. Sayeda is her competent student. Vygotsky (1978) argues that through sociodramatic play, children become a head taller than in real life, and nosotros encounter clearly how this takes place. Crucially, we also see how synergies accept place whereby both children learn from each other. Wahida, the older kid, learns through practicing what she already knows almost homophones and through modelling the task to be taught (turn 1). Sayeda has recently learned the concept of a homophone in her classroom and needs the reinforcement and confidence given through further instruction by her older sister. Both children have internalized the language patterns, skills, and knowledge needed for literacy, and nosotros meet how they value and identify themselves as readers.

Prolepsis and synergy: The value of learning between grandparents and grandchildren

The following example illustrates how prolepsis and synergies take place in an intergenerational exchange. Razia is in her fifties and was born in Chittagong, Bangladesh, where she still lives. Her three sons and 2 daughters, however, have moved to New York, Canada, and London, and she spends much of her time traveling to visit her grandchildren. Here she is in London reading a Chora (Bengali religious rhyme or prayer) with her grandson, six-year-old Sahil. The poem chosen on this occasion is about how a child will plan his day from the moment he wakes up and how he will take his teaching from the respected wisdom from the elders in the community.

Razia leads by reading a few words from the text; her tone of voice becomes more serious, and this is taken to signal a more than formal way of learning. Sahil repeats, taking nifty care in how he sounds the words: where audio comes from, such as the pharynx and nose, which function of the mouth he uses, and fifty-fifty how he forms his cheeks will all have a begetting on how effective his pronunciation in Bengali is judged to be. Razia demonstrates, corrects, and supports Sahil continually equally the session gain. The cycle of Razia reading and Sahil repeating continues; this is a traditional teaching pattern in Bangladesh, specially with new or unfamiliar material. Although Sahil'due south Bengali is good plenty to let him to sympathise parts of the story, in that location are too unfamiliar words, and he perseveres with his grandmother'due south assistance (Jessel, Gregory, Arju, Kenner, and Ruby-red 2004, pp. 18, 21).

Sahil: Akhane ki bole? [What does it hateful here?]

Razia: Konta? [Which one?]

On other occasions, Sahil takes the atomic number 82, such every bit with computer activities. He is confident when using the mouse and is familiar with both the game to be played and the purpose of the estimator in partnering him in the game. Sahil has gear up up the card game Solitaire on the computer:

Sahil: Asho akhane. [Come hither.]

Razia: Oita ami akhono khelte parbo na tomi khelo. [I cannot play that yet, you play.]

Prior to Sahil's pedagogy, Razia was unfamiliar with how to play Solitaire.

Razia: Amake bolo tomi ki ki korso. [Tell me what you have done.]

. . . Dekhi to tomi. [Let me take a look.]

. . . Erm bolo na Dadu … bolo na. [Erm tell Granny … tell me.]

Sahil: Aita akhan rakhte … [This one put …]

Razia appears to take an interest and watches Sahil, who tries to explain what he is doing as he repositions the cards on the computer screen.

Sahil: Aita khotai rakhi, akhane? [Where shall I put this, here?]

Razia: Hmm …

Sahil: Na aikhane okhane airokom kore. [No, this there, like this.]

Razia: Dadu tho computer khelte pari na tomi dekhai dou. [Granny does not know

how to play estimator, you show me.]

Sahil: Akhane akhane [Here, here]

. . . Ami jani … tomi koro. [I know … you practise it.]

Razia and so reaches for the mouse and begins to move information technology while attempting to press the centre coil bicycle. As she does this, Sahil places his paw on elevation of hers, indicating that she should click the left mouse button. Sahil then continues to guide Razia's hand. Sahil continues to take the lead and the transcript of the dialogue suggests that he feels confident in this office:

Sahil: Akhane koro, na akhan … akhan koro. [Put it here, no here … now do

it.]

In the start office of the excerpt, Razia conveys to her grandson important cultural, linguistic, and literacy knowledge. Sahil does not understand much of the actual significant of the text, which is in formal literary Bengali rather than the Chittagong dialect that he knows. Even so, her reading tone, rhythm, and repetition reiterate how special this is; it clearly has great value for him, drawing him closer to both his grandmother and the faith he has still to larn. The 2d function of the extract switches to prove Sahil equally practiced in the apply of the computer mouse. Similar with the siblings, taking the function of teacher becomes an important role of learning.

Prayer: Learning through faith

The Hail Mary Prayer (or Zdrowaś Maryjo in Polish) is a prayer to Mary, the Mother of God, and is of special religious, cultural, and historical significance for Polish Catholics.

Zdrowaś Maryjo	Hail Mary
Zdrowaś Maryjo, łaski pełna	Hail Mary, full of grace
Pan z tobą.	The Lord is with you.
Błogosławionaś ty między niewiastami	Blessed you lot are amongst women
I błogosławiony owoc żywota Twojego,	And blessed is the fruit of your womb,
Jezus	Jesus
Świeta Maryjo, matko Boża,	Holy Mary, the Female parent of God,
Módl się za nami grzesznymi,	Pray for u.s. sinners,
Teraz i w godzinę śmierci naszej. Amen.	Now and in the 60 minutes of our decease. Amen.

Polish children from Catholic families learn the Hail Mary prayer from their parents when they say prayers at home, usually at bedtime. It is a moment of calmness and intimacy, where children reflect on the day and its events. Children are encouraged to pray using their own words; for example, to apologize for what they take done incorrect, to thank God for all the good things that happened to them, and also to ask for aid in difficult or important situations.

At the Shine school attached to a Polish church building, the Hail Mary Prayer, together with the Lord'due south Prayer and the Prayer to the Holy Spirit, is said each Saturday morning at assembly fourth dimension. The priest stands on the phase and the children, parents, and teachers turn toward him and say the iii prayers in unison, in Polish. Information technology is a very powerful shared statement of cultural and linguistic belonging, as the words of the prayer sound immediately familiar to everyone nowadays.

The Hail Mary Prayer introduces the Polish child to the concept of conversation in a literary form with a special language. The prayer itself has a strong rhythm and sounds like a poem. Information technology introduces the child to the Old Polish verb forms zdrowaś (be greeted) and błogosławionaś (be blessed), and to an Old Polish give-and-take niewiasta (woman). These words are no longer used in everyday language, therefore increasing children'south linguistic sensation of Erstwhile Polish. The prayer and its pregnant cultural, historical, and political context—passed on to children past their parents—reinforce the importance of the effigy of Mother in children's lives.

After baptism, the Kickoff Holy Communion is a very important event in the life of a Shine Catholic child. Children preparing for their First Holy Communion memorize the Hail Mary, along with other canon prayers and the commandments, when the rosary is said. They must learn the Hail Mary text, which is not like shooting fish in a barrel to call back; this requires them to describe heavily on their memorizing abilities.

For Polish Catholics, the Hail Mary Prayer combines biblical and religious aspects with specifically Polish cultural, historical, and political ones. Its learning is multimodal, every bit text, spoken discussion, and images interweave in the children's minds. Its recitation takes identify individually, in intimate family groups, and with peers and adults inside the Polish community. It fosters cultural and linguistic belonging and unifies the community. The child sees herself as a part of a family unit (Holy Trinity) where Mary, a woman, has an important function to play (Gregory et al. 2013, p. 243).

The text introducing this extract is typical of the level of difficulty tackled by children across the four faith groups with whom our enquiry squad worked for nearly 4 years (www.belifs.co.uk). Nevertheless, all the children managed to recite the texts, and through tuition, learned of its significant for their faith. Children were able to tackle literacy at a level far higher than they could in formal classrooms where tuition followed either a bottom-up or superlative-down approach. I argue that they were able to do this through stiff motivation to vest to a group that too wanted strongly to include its younger members. This type of personal value is unique in that children regarded their learning as not for themselves or their families, only for God—which situates meaning in the performance of a beautiful recitation or other symbolic act rather than in the content of the text itself.

Concluding thoughts

Today, a considerable number of studies reveal a variety of young children's dwelling house literacy practices, specially digital literacies in play and virtual worlds (Flewitt, Messer, and Kucirkova 2015; Marsh and Bishop 2013; Wohlwend 2010). All of these show a variety of literacy skills and knowledge gained past immature children without official classroom teaching. Yet, paradoxically, Spencer, Knobel, and Lankshear (2013) claim that there "remains a relative absence of ethnographic-type investigations of immature children'due south everyday literacy practices" (p. 134). Their words highlight my argument that existing theories of early-literacy learning are intrinsically situated in pedagogy, in classroom education rather than in children's dwelling learning. It is true that ethnographic studies into what actually happens in children's homes show learning to be unpredictable and thus beyond the command of teachers and policymakers. My aim in this commodity, however, has been to testify the importance of including the 3rd perspective—to give it equal weight with both psychological and linguistic theories of reading. It is merely within a more than circuitous framework that we can fully acknowledge, do justice to, and learn from the invisible worlds beyond our accomplish in schools.

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Affiliations

1. Goldsmiths College, Academy of London, 8 Lewisham Way, New Cross, London, SE14 6NW, U.k.

   Eve Gregory

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Correspondence to Eve Gregory.

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I would like to dedicate this article to the memory of Brian Street, who had a powerful influence on all my work throughout many years. This was the concluding paper Brian invited me to write and his ideas emerge strongly throughout the slice.

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Gregory, Eastward. Learning to read: A third perspective. Prospects 46, 367–377 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11125-017-9403-z

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• Published: 25 September 2017

• Event Date: December 2016

• DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s11125-017-9403-z

Keywords

• Sociocultural theories
• Play
• Mediators
• Rehearsal
• Prolepsis
• Learning to read

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